hard heads soft hearts |
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a scratch pad for half-formed thoughts by a liberal political junkie who's nobody special. ''Hard Heads, Soft Hearts'' is the title of a book by Princeton economist Alan Blinder, and tends to be a favorite motto of neoliberals, especially liberal economists. mobile
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Friday, June 14, 2002
Kurtz's article is on the whole very good, and clearly shows that Fabiani and Lehane, though good guys, tried to endlessly manipulate the news in ways large and small, and kind of had political tin ears, often missing the forest for the trees. Just a small example is the "football game", which was painfully hokey and weird. Somehow Fabiani thought the public, on tenterhooks with anticipation (my stomache was in bad shape at that particular point) would find watching the Gores' play touch football without speaking appealing, and Gore for some reason bought into that. On a somewhat larger point, they thought that the phrase "Is he ready to be President?" would be politically effective, when it was definitely not. As a line it does not resonate or persuade at all while making the Gore team look bad for attacking Bush personally But Kurtz also overlooks some important facts and questions, questions I would have like to have seen addressed, if not answered. First of all, he says the Bush team followed a "more straight-forward approach", which proved more effective. However, he overlooks the dedicated staff at RNC headquarters who thoroughly investigated and formulated quite manipulative attacks on Gore (can you say "inventing the internet" or "Love Story" or "I was the one that started it all"?) and relenlessly disseminated such "research" to the media. He also overlooks that the Bush team may have been trying just as hard to spin the media but may simply have been better, and more discreet, about it. One example is the the negative Bush ad soon after the convention, which the Bush campaign was supposedly on the verge of running when Bush himself was said to have stopped it, due to his great nobility, because he didn't want to go negative. (A similar ad ran later in the campaign, which somehow did not put Bush in a similar ethical quandary). However, all the media had for some reason gotten a copy of the ad, and it was run and discussed incessantly on the free media, yet the media still gave Bush credit for "pulling the ad" and Doing the Right Thing. Another example was the Confidential Rove Internals in the days just before the election, when Rove shared (just between you and him) internal polls which showed Bush within striking distance in Illinois, California, etc. In hindsight, it should be obvious that when Rove was purportedly "sharing internal polls" with reporters, he was actually lying to them. Gore won those states by double-digits. The conventional polls also underestimated Gore's lead, but internal polls are supposed to be more accurate, and any accurate poll would have showed that Gore had those states locked up. Once again, reporters credulously believed the Bush campaign, when in fact they were being deceived. Another place where Kurz doesn't perhaps ask the right questions is when he asserts that despite the best efforts of Fabiani & Lehane, the public "simply doesn't like Gore". But that ignores that Gore's most effective public speeches- His father's eulogy, his convention speech, his concession speech- were speeches he largely wrote, and where Fabiani & Lehane in particular did not get anywhere near it. Significantly, Kurtz's article largely ignores Gore's convention bounce, making no attempt to explain it except a perfunctory reference to "Gore's fiery populism" But Gore's recent concession speech was not populist, yet the public for some reason found him appealing there as well. Kurz doesn't examine this, nor does he ask Fabiani & Lehane to reflect on why Gore's convention speech was so effective, while their careful months of leaking and massaging the news cycle had either no effect or a negative effect. Lastly, Kurz treats the media in the passive voice, frequently writing "but the story lasted only one news cycle" or "the story disappeared into the ether", as if God kills stories or promotes others. But stories are killed or promoted every day by the media as a whole, presumably for their own reasons. What are they? Just one example I would like to know more about: There were numerous lies & exaggerations told during the first debate, but I will name only two: Gore's assertion that he had accompanied James Lee Witt to a Texas fire, when he had not, and Bush's assertion that a particular senior would get benefits under his prescription drug plan, when he would not. Both were clearly false statements. There was little ambiguity in either case. Surely its a very important question as to why the media focused on one clear, unambigous lie and not the other? Its important not to be too harsh. I agree with Fabiani and Lehane that Gore should been more available to the press, and I definitely agree with Kurz that Fabiani and Lehane should have been less obsessed with winning news cycles and been more straight-forward and more concerned with the big picture of giving voters persuasive, simple reasons to vote for their candidate. Kudos to Kurz for once again giving us important facts and an insight to how campaigns are run. |